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Published on:

25th Apr 2024

The End Of Politics AudioChapter from The Social Singularity AudioBook by Max Borders

The Social Singularity: How decentralization will allow us to transcend politics, create global prosperity, and avoid the robot apocalypse By: Max Borders

00:00:00 The social singularity

00:04:23 CHAPTER ONE THE END OF POLITICS

00:12:25 The Worst in Us

00:16:07 Hobbits and Hooligans

00:20:07 A Teardrop in the Ocean

00:23:23 The Unicorn Problem

00:25:40 Why People Vote

00:32:04 Local Knowledge

00:34:04 Trench Warfare

00:38:10 The Rise of Hierarchy

00:43:16 Better All the Time

00:49:21 Phase Transition

00:54:49 Founding Redux

00:57:18 The Authoritarian Urge

00:58:28 The End Is Nigh

Hear it Here - https://bit.ly/SocialSingularityBorders

https://www.amazon.com/dp/B07DDPVCM1


What if politics as we know it is about to end?


What if humanity soon organizes itself not in hierarchies, but in hive minds?


Should we fear the robot apocalypse?


Welcome to The Social Singularity.


In this decentralization manifesto, futurist Max Borders shows that humanity is already building systems that will “underthrow” great centers of power.


Exploring the promise of a decentralized world, Borders says we will:


- Reorganize to collaborate and compete with AI;


- Operate within networks of superior collective intelligence;


- Rediscover our humanity and embrace values for an age of connection.


With lively prose, Borders takes us on a tour of modern pagan festivals, cities of the future, and radically new ways to organize society. In so doing, he examines trends likely to revolutionize the ways we live and work.


Although the technological singularity fast approaches, Borders argues, a parallel process of human reorganization will allow us to reap enormous benefits. The paradox? Our billion little acts of subversion will help us lead richer, healthier lives—and avoid the robot apocalypse.

#RussellNewton #NewtonMG #TheSocialSingularity #TheEndOfPoliticsMaxBorders


Transcript
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The social singularity, how decentralization  will allow us to transcend politics, create

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global prosperity, and avoid the robot apocalypse,  written by Max Borders, narrated by Russell

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Newton.

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For an undetermined period of time I felt myself  cut off from the world, an abstract spectator...

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The road kept descending and branching  off, through meadows misty in the twilight.

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—Jorge Luis Borges

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WE HAVE ALWAYS TRIED to know tomorrow.

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In our attempts, we end up shaping it.

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Our ancestors went to seers who  read tea leaves, auras, or entrails.

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To best an enemy or win a lover, rulers  consulted oracles for messages from the gods.

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Oracles in antiquity were  thought to be divinely inspired,  

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so false predictions were  blamed on bad interpretation.

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Modern oracles are decidedly more fallible.

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We’re also more accountable.

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So we look for patterns in the world beyond the  guts, and we channel the god of trend lines.

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Still, we make predictions we hope will come true,  which is often why we make them to start with.

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Today they call us futurists.

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But to be a futurist still  takes a little mysticism.

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It’s not the vagueness of Nostradamus or  the Magick of Aleister Crowley but the  

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spark of the science-fiction writer who  plants ideas in the minds of innovators.

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Futurists know that in every prediction  there is a potential act of creation.

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After all people who believe our  predictions are more likely to change.

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And if enough people change,  the world might just get better.

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In The Social Singularity, I’ll show that  the world’s power centers are breaking up  

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and that this process can — 1 — 2 Introduction  liberate people from poverty, end acrimonious  

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politics, and help humanity  avoid the robot apocalypse.

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I realize that’s a tall order.

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But that’s just how much potential  there is in decentralization.

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Decentralization?

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This is the kind of big, abstract idea editors  warn could mean the death of your book sales.

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Write about a person or tell a story, they’ll  say, chomping on the end of a spent cigar.

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I can’t sell a book about an abstraction!

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Well, we’ve got to try.

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The future depends on it.

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In this volume, I suggest that if we  reorganize ourselves and our systems  

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of collective intelligence, we  will be better as a species.

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The social singularity is a point beyond  which humanity will have reoriented itself.

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We’ll operate more like a hive mind.

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A lot of people are afraid of what’s to come.

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But to live in fear of the future  is to underestimate ourselves.

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So this book is also about shedding fear.

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Still, it’s not your basic airplane read.

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It’s designed to challenge you.

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To break conventions.

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To reframe our thinking a little so as to disrupt  

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the habits of mind that are keeping all  of us from reaching our full potential.

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You see, our march toward the social  singularity will be largely positive.

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Yes, there will be a great economic churn thanks  to artificial intelligence and automation.

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Of course, there is always the risk of  future shock, 2 and people will still  

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carry within them the urge to control,  to centralize, and to “rage for order."

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3 But technology is helping us  to become far more collaborative,  

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and there is more ordering power in that force  than in any demagogue with a standing army.

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I’m not a passive chronicler of events.

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Behind this book lies a deeper purpose —a  mission that is the wellspring of my thinking.

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If you’re comfortable with all these caveats,  

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I invite you to join me in exploring a  new set of forking paths into the future.

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For as soon as we take those first  steps on any path, we’re engaging  

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in acts of creation, for better or for worse.

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CHAPTER ONE

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THE END OF POLITICS

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The spectacle is not a collection of images, but a  social relation among people, mediated by images.

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— Guy Debord

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IF YOU’RE READING THIS, chances are you  own some sort of mobile computing device.

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Maybe you haven’t given up paper books  entirely, but you’re surely tethered.

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I suspect you check your device at  least twice a day, if not twice an hour.

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And I’d bet you have at least fifty apps.

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Now imagine you wake up one morning, turn on  your device, and realize everything has changed.

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Where before there were  fifty or more applications,  

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there are now only two - a red app and a blue app.

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It seems the apps compete for processing power  

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so now the device runs more  slowly and less efficiently.

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And on this operating system—call  it “DOS,” or Democratic Operating  

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System—only the red app and the blue app run.

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Though the device advertises  compatibility with other apps,  

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everybody finds DOS only seems to work  with the red one and the blue one.

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You are understandably  frustrated with your device,  

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especially as you remember a time when  it ran much better, had far more options,  

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and allowed you to customize it  according to your needs and preferences.

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This thought experiment is meant to help us  reflect on our sociopolitical status quo.

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Not on who’s in charge, not on the next  election, but rather upon the system itself.

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Why?

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Because there seems to be a collective illusion  that a democratic republic is as good as it gets.

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After all, we haven’t yet really tried  anything beyond DOS. And there seems to  

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be a near-universal failure of imagination  with respect to how we could do better.

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In a 1947 speech, Winston Churchill made  his now-famous assessment - Many forms  

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of Government have been tried and will  be tried in this world of sin and woe.

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No one pretends that democracy  is perfect or all-wise.

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Indeed, it has been said that  democracy is the worst form of  

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government except all those other forms  that have been tried from time to time.

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5 This is the sort of fatalism most people accept.

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In fact, almost no one tries to imagine  another social operating system.

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The most creative and ambitious ideas for  social change almost always happen within  

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DOS - We should pass law X or adopt policy Y.  Very few are trying to figure out how to develop  

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something entirely new that circumvents politics  entirely or, at least, fundamentally changes it.

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It should be clear by now that I’m not  interested in preserving the status quo.

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We can do better—and we must,  because DOS’s days are numbered.

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For a lot of people, this will be unsettling.

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Some readers will scoff.

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Others will worry I’m trying to rock a boat  that’s keeping billions of people afloat.

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Still others will say I’m an  anarchist, a utopian, or a dreamer.

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And we should no doubt treat with great respect  the system that took us from bullets to ballots.

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The democratic republic has become the  most prosperous and arguably peaceful  

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way to organize society the world has seen.

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So it’s no wonder smart people like Francis  Fukuyama have argued that the democratic  

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republic was the form on which most of the  countries of the world would eventually settle.

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There is a lot to recommend about this form,  

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particularly when considered  in the arc of history.

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But there is a lot wrong with DOS. And  whatever happens after DOS should be a  

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welcome upgrade that addresses what doesn’t work  about this particular social operating system,  

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all while introducing new functions, new features,  and a new paradigm of human social interaction.

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The most salient problem with our current  form of governance is its symptoms.

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One of those symptoms is that politics  tends to make us, ahem, ungracious.

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Recall the famous 1968 televised  debates between William F. Buckley,  

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Jr., and Gore Vidal, a conservative and a liberal.

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The whole thing culminates in a moment  where—after a heated exchange—Buckley,  

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taking Vidal’s bait, explodes - “Now listen,  you queer, stop calling me a crypto-Nazi,  

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or I’ll sock you in the goddamn  face and you’ll stay plastered."

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And there it was.

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The dandies of the Left and Right reduced to  ad hominem attacks, almost coming to blows.

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Nielsen loved it because ratings soared.

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And politics as prime-time blood  sport became an American pastime.

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Matters only got worse with  the arrival of the Internet.

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What we thought would be a tool to bring  out the best in us, such as creativity and  

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collaboration (which it has been), has also  become a platform from which people can hurl  

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insults at those with whom they disagree, then  easily retreat into partisan echo chambers.

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According to a documentary about Buckley  and Vidal called The Best of Enemies,  

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both died with the poison of political and  personal animus still in their spleens.

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And as Americans continue with politics  basically unchanged—though with social  

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media magnifying any spectacle  and offering everyone a bullhorn—  

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the symptoms of partisanship  are getting worse every year.

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This polarization is happening to all of us.

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As the political parade passes,  people gather to watch the show,  

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choosing their sides of the boulevard.

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In so choosing, they self-segregate.

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Tribal affiliations are on display.

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It’s a natural human tendency with  deep roots in our evolutionary past.

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In an experiment,6 even people predisposed  to favor members of their own race turned  

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out to be biased in favor of people randomly  assigned to wear the same team’s basketball  

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jersey as they were—even when those people  were of different races—and against even  

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people of the same race if they were  wearing a different team’s colors.

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As science journalist Sharon Begley points  out, we team 6 The End of Politics up with  

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people according to “whether they are  likely to be an ally or an enemy."

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That illustrates how tribal we are.

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We are wired to be divided.

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Politics brings out the worst in us by  tapping into these tribal tendencies.

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Sure, trading barbs is  better than trading bullets.

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We all know really nice people who participate  in stinging or acrimonious exchanges online.

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Maybe we do it ourselves.

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Here’s a headline you might  have shared - “5 Scientific  

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Studies That Prove Republicans Are Stupid."

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Or - “Yes, Liberalism is a Mental Disorder."

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In the United States, that’s more than 300  million people who are either stupid or crazy.

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Few want to acknowledge that it might be stupid or  

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crazy to make such claims or for a  country to divide itself this way.

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But in America, at least, it’s  effectively a two-party system.

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So in DOS you have two choices of app, which  means two basic choices of tribal affiliation.

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The Worst in Us

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I used to wonder whether anybody besides  H. L. Mencken saw things this way.

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I found the following from legal analyst  Trevor Burrus - Like any other game,  

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the rules create the attitudes  and strategies of the players.

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Throw two brothers into the Colosseum  for a gladiatorial fight to the death,  

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and brotherly sentiment will quickly evaporate.

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Throw siblings, neighbors, or friends into  a political world that increasingly controls  

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our deepest values, and love and care are  quickly traded for resentment.7 It’s true.

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From a very young age, we’re told that when  breaking bread with friends and family,  

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politics and religion are verboten.

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But it’s not just that it will put  relationships at risk, says Burrus.

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Democratic politics turns a continuum of  possibilities into stark, binary choices.

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Tribal teams coalesce around linear,  black-and-white thinking as our biases take over.

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Now that we’ve invented a problem—“which  group of 50 percent +1 will control education  

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for everyone?”—imposed a binary solution—“we  will teach either creation or evolution”—and  

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invented teams to rally around those  solutions —“are you a science denier  

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or a science supporter?”—our The Worst  in Us 7 tribal and self-serving brains  

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go to work assuring us that we are on  the side of righteousness and truth.

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8 All these woeful debates  become increasingly shrill.

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When it all reaches fever pitch,  

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virtue signalers pen pleas for greater  tolerance and more reasoned discourse.

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But it does no good.

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Tribal brains burn hotter than  any of these appeals for civility.

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Until we change the rules, we’re not  likely to find changes in ourselves.

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Again, I admit that when compared to tyranny  and war, partisan politics ain’t so bad.

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But what if something else came along?

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Wouldn’t we start to see  democracy as a golden calf?

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Politics—especially during  federal elections—creates  

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a system that brings out the worst in people.

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It poisons relationships.

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It pulls us in as spectators who stand  agog at a completely inauthentic show  

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of national politics over which any  one of us has virtually no power.

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We end up mostly ignoring local issues over  which we could have considerably more influence.

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As a consequence, an entire nation  falls under a particular kind of spell.

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The only people to whom our opinions really matter  are the pollsters, with their wet fingers held  

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aloft, and the media, who hold up mirrors so  distorted we can barely recognize ourselves.

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People are different.

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They are going to have differences of opinion,  

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hold different values, and  run in different circles.

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This is a fact.

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But we expect that a monolith of  partisan opinion should extend to  

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a nation of 350 million people—  by brute force if necessary.

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And until they do, we’ll just get on social media  

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and sock them in the face  until they stay plastered.

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On Election Day, the team with the red  jerseys will pull on its side of the rope.

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The team with the blue jerseys  will pull on its side of the rope.

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In the end, both will end up the mud—because  they’ve been standing in it all along.

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Hobbits and Hooligans What may be  as disconcerting as the kind of  

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people politics turns us into are the types of  voters in whose hands we have placed democracy.

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Political philosopher Jason Brennan names  these creatures “hobbits” and “hooligans."

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He writes - 8 The End of Politics Hobbits are  mostly apathetic and ignorant about politics.

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They lack strong, fixed opinions  about most political issues.

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Often they have no opinions at all.

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They have little, if any,  social scientific knowledge;  

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they are ignorant not just of current events  but also of the social scientific theories  

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and data needed to evaluate as well as  understand these events.9 In this way,  

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hobbits are almost as indifferent to  politics as they are ignorant of the issues.

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Brennan reminds us that the typical nonvoter  is a hobbit, which makes it odd that anyone  

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would want to encourage nonvoters to vote  for any reason beyond the most cynical.

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On the other hand, when we consider  that many people who end up voting  

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are probably also hobbits, we have to  wonder about the arbitrariness of it all.

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After all, why should people who  have no knowledge of or interest in  

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social-scientific data or world history  have any say in the rules you live by?

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The rest of those who decide the fate  of nations Brennan calls “hooligans."

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Hooligans are the rabid sports fans of politics.

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They have strong and largely fixed worldviews.

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They can present arguments for their beliefs,  but they cannot explain alternative points  

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of view in a way that people with  other views would find satisfactory.

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Hooligans consume political information,  

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although in a biased way.10 You probably  recognize hooligans from social media.

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They seek articles that confirm their  preexisting opinions, but, writes Brennan,  

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they “ignore, evade, and reject out of hand  evidence that contradicts or disconfirms their  

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preexisting opinions.”11 Thus data is only good  to hooligans insofar as it supports their views.

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It’s not just that hooligans zealously  form political opinions based on their  

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tribal affiliations and confirmation biases;  it’s also that their tribal membership forms  

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their very identity, which in the United  States shores up DOS and its two apps.

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In such a polarized climate, hooligans  “tend to despise people who disagree  

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with them, holding that people with  alternative worldviews are stupid,  

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evil, selfish, or at best, deeply misguided."

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Hobbits and Hooligans 9 When we consider  that the great bulk of the voting population  

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is made up of people who either know  very little about anything (and don’t  

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really care) or only want to know things  that confirm what they already believe,  

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we’ve got a system that runs primarily  on a mix of ignorance and ideology.

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Between elections, hooligans  are beating each other up at  

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rallies or shutting down speeches on campuses.

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Hobbits are going about their lives, from time  to time wondering what all the fuss is about.

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When we think about having our  collective fate determined this way,  

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it should also strike us that  democracy is quite arbitrary.

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But it’s also arbitrary  beyond those who participate.

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To understand that arbitrariness,  we have first to unpack it.

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The late comedian George Carlin  provided two relevant nuggets of wisdom.

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He said he doesn’t vote because  “it’s meaningless,” and he said  

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the United States was “bought  and paid” for a long time ago.

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Let’s take each of Carlin’s  nuggets of wisdom in turn.

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A Teardrop in the Ocean

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First, we have to face the grim  truth that our vote doesn’t count.

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I realize that in fourth grade Mrs. Crabtree  taught us that voting lets our voices be heard.

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But that’s not really true.

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It is akin to thinking the  drummer hears you when you  

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yell at him from the nosebleed  seats of Madison Square Garden.

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The purveyors of these sorts of untruths probably  don’t realize they’re spreading untruths.

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If they do, they think they’re only repeating  

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little white lies—like telling  a child Santa Claus is real.

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But Santa Claus isn’t real.

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Your vote doesn’t count.

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Crying a single teardrop into the ocean  will not determine the fate of high tide,  

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and the drummer playing Madison  Square Garden can’t hear you scream.

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To be fair, though, some  brilliant people disagree.

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Techno-evangelist Clay Shirky thinks  democracy is the best we’ve got right now,  

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so we’re duty bound to rock the vote.

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Not a protest vote, either.

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You have to pick the red app or the blue app.

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“It doesn’t matter what message you think you  are sending, because no one will receive it.

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No one is listening,” writes Shirky.

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“The system is set up so that every choice other  than ‘R’ or ‘D’ boils down to ‘I defer to the  

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judgement of my fellow citizens.’ It’s easy to  argue that our system shouldn’t work like that.

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It’s impossible to argue it doesn’t  work like that.”12 The problem with  

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Shirky’s claim is it doesn’t matter how you vote.

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Even if you vote “R” or “D,” no one is listening.

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One might argue matters are slightly  improved in a parliamentary system.

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But not in the US.

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According to NBC News, only people in Colorado,  Iowa, Nevada, New Hampshire, North Carolina,  

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Ohio, Pennsylvania, and Virginia had  anything but an infinitesimal chance  

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that their vote would affect the outcome of  the 2016 presidential election.13 Any given  

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voter had a better chance of being struck  by lightning on the way to the voting booth.

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As Forbes columnist Jim Pagels puts it  - “The most generous estimates claim you  

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have a 1-in-10-million chance of being the  deciding vote in [a presidential] election,  

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and that’s only if you live in a swing state and  if you vote for one of the two major parties.

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Overall, the estimate is roughly 1-in-60  million.”14 Let that sink in for a moment.

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You’re almost 100 percent assured  you could switch your vote in every  

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major election throughout your life  and the outcome would be the same.

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Following Carlin, then,  your vote is “meaningless."

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Or as political philosopher Jason Brennan  notes, “telling someone they can’t complain  

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about an election if they didn’t vote is  akin to telling a homeless person that  

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they can’t complain about being poor unless  they play the lottery every day.”15 Ouch.

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But matters are even worse.

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The Unicorn Problem

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Duke University political economist  

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Michael Munger deepens our political nihilism  with what he calls the “Unicorn Problem."

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The problem is not just with voting, he explains.

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It’s with the very idea of the state as a  steward of the true, the beautiful and the good.

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Munger continues - “If you want to advocate the  use of unicorns as motors for public transit,  

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it is important that unicorns actually exist,  rather than only existing in your imagination.

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People immediately understand why  relying on imaginary creatures  

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would be a problem in practical mass transit."

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But most people can’t see why the  government they imagine is a unicorn.

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So to help them, Munger proposes what  he humbly calls “the Munger test” -

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1. Go ahead, make your argument  for what you want the State to do,  

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and what you want the State to be in charge  of [or the “message” you want to send].

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2. Then, go back and look at your statement.

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Everywhere you said “the State,” delete that  phrase and replace it with “politicians I  

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actually know, running in electoral systems with  voters and interest groups that actually exist."

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3.

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If you still believe your statement, then we  have something to talk about.16 Munger admits to  

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entertaining himself with this rhetorical device -  “When someone says, ‘The State should be in charge  

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of hundreds of thousands of heavily armed troops,  with the authority to use that coercive power,’  

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ask them to take out the unicorn (‘the State’) and  replace it with [the politician you most dislike].

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How do you like it now?”17 When democracy  advocates say the only way to “send a message”  

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is to vote for one of the two parties, they  have fallen victim to the unicorn fallacy.

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It’s not just that your message likely  won’t be received if you do vote;  

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it’s that it will be crumpled  up and thrown into a dumpster  

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on K Street 18 by people you know you would  never want making the rules on your behalf.

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Why People Vote

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Apart from the illusion that “your vote matters”  or “your voice is heard,” why do people vote?

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Most folks don’t really think their  votes will have an appreciable effect.

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So why do they vote?

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Here are three big reasons -   Declarative-Expressive - People  

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vote to express themselves, whatever it is they’re  expressing, because the immediate cost of doing so  

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is negligible;  Ideological-Utopian - People vote  in accordance with some abstraction—a wished-for  

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state-of-affairs, ideal, or unrealizable  utopia;  Tribal-Coalitional - People vote  

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in solidarity with those they perceive  as their ingroup, team, or tribe.

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As you might have figured out, these are some of  the psychological bases of political hooliganism.

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But you might be wondering - What about  people who are interested only in the truth?

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What about people who are calm, rational, and  willing to suspend judgment about candidates  

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and policies until they have enough  information to determine logically  

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whether said candidates and policies will  work in the interests of the public good?

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Brennan calls these types “vulcans."

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And they are as rare as they are irrelevant.

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Maybe we can imagine a system in  which only vulcans could vote,  

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say, after passing some vulcan exam  acceptable as a standard by nonvulcans.

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But even if you could get beyond the inherent  elitism in such a suggestion, it’s not clear  

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that any social science wielded by vulcans  would generate a better form of government.

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Science writer Ron Bailey reminds us  that most experts can’t be trusted,  

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and that statisticians like John Ioannidis have  been sounding the alarm as far back as 2005.

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Ioannidis found that “in most fields of research,  including biomedicine, genetics, and epidemiology,  

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the research community has been terrible  at weeding out the shoddy work largely due  

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to perfunctory peer review and a paucity  of attempts at experimental replication."

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19 Ioannidis’s conclusion?

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“Most published research findings are false."

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Biomedicine?

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Genetics?

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Epidemiology?

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These areas are supposed to be  relatively close to the hard sciences.

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These aren’t squishier social  sciences like economics,  

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social psychology, and political science.

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In response to democracy’s shortcomings,  Brennan proposes a system he terms  

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“epistocracy,” which suggests  governance by those who are  

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slightly more competent on matters  with which they are more familiar.

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We should be leery of Brennan’s proposal,  

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though not because life wouldn’t be marginally  better than it is under the system we have now.

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Maybe things would be better for a time.

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We should be leery of epistocracy just as we  

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should be leery of any platoon of  philosopher-kings wielding stats.

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After all, there are lots of  hooligans masquerading as vulcans,  

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particularly in the academy.

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Epistocracy risks morphing into just  another contrivance of centralized thinking,  

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even if it seems marginally  to decentralize voting.

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There are many more interesting  alternatives on the horizon.

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But let’s not get ahead of ourselves.

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Giving people voting power over  domains of activity in which they  

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claim to be experts risks technocracy, as  it opens the door to a tyranny of experts.

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Though Why People Vote 13 Brennan’s  critique of democracy is dead on,  

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his suggested upgrade leaves  something to be desired.

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Now let’s turn to George Carlin’s second nugget of  

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wisdom - the idea that US politics  was bought and sold a long time ago.

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Politics without Romance

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Why do politicians constantly disappoint us?

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Late Nobel laureate James  Buchanan more or less set  

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out to answer this question in his life’s work.

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Buchanan was one of the founders of the  public-choice school of political economy.

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And in a single essay called “Politics  without Romance,” Buchanan lays out his  

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general thesis in cold, dispassionate terms -  If the government is empowered to grant monopoly  

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rights or tariff protection to one group,  at the expense of the general public or of  

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designated losers, it follows that potential  beneficiaries will compete for the prize.

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And since only one group can be  rewarded, the resources invested  

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by other groups—which could have been used to  produce valued goods and services—are wasted.

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20 Those who are supposed to represent you are  

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playing a game that tends to benefit  favored groups (read - not you).

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Much of the growth of the bureaucratic or  regulatory sector of government can best  

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be explained in terms of the competition  between political agents for constituency  

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support through the use of promises of  discriminatory transfers of wealth.21 As  

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much as we wish the forces Buchanan identifies  weren’t the most powerful forces in politics,  

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to think otherwise would be, well, romantic.

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If the Munger test reminds us that  people you don’t like hold actual power,  

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public-choice economics reminds us  that people we don’t like get power  

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and then auction it off to  corporate or bureaucratic interests.

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In other words, once all the hobbits’ and  hooligans’ teardrops have been counted,  

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the incentives of the democratic republic  are less about those creatures’ good and  

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more about money and power mixing to gain  advantages in their respective domains.

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That’s why money and power are  so attracted to each other.

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Even the most ardent do-gooder in office has to  engage in horse-trading to get anything done.

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You might call it selling out.

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She might call it political survival.

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Local Knowledge

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From time to time, politicians do try to do  what they think is in the public interest.

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That is difficult, though.

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What after all is “the public” but a whole lot  of people, each of whom differs from the others?

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And why should a lawyer from  Manhattan have anything to say  

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about the operations of a ranch outside Missoula?

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As our society becomes more complex,  

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it becomes even less plausible to think  that people in distant capitals have the  

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requisite knowledge to plan for anything so  far away from their spheres of understanding.

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And this is true even if the people  in question are Brennan’s vulcans.

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As Friedrich A. Hayek famously reminds  us, science is not the sum of knowledge.

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Most of the important stuff we know involves  particular circumstances and contexts.

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Knowledge of specific circumstances,  

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or “local knowledge,” is the most important  and overlooked feature of complex societies.

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And as we become more complex, we will have  to develop sense-making apparatuses and  

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forms of collective intelligence  that can handle this complexity.

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People in government, well-intentioned  as they might be, are woefully ill  

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equipped to make judgments about  people in local circumstances.

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Even if we don’t need central control and  

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planning in our increasingly complex  society, we still need governance.

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Someday, though, we’ll look back  on politics and shake our heads.

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It will have been a necessary  phase—but not one we’ll want to relive.

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We have been undergoing a series of  phases we could not have bypassed.

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The good news is we may have  already entered the next phase.

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Once we realize all the benefits of this next  

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phase, we’ll see how wasteful and  acrimonious politics has been.

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Trench Warfare

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Right now it doesn’t seem like we  are headed for a post-political era.

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Most people are so locked into the  political paradigm that arguments  

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about who is to Trench Warfare  15 fund whose birth control—or  

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whether the city school system should  get another bond—seem bigger than life.

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Each side cedes mere inches back and forth between  election cycles in a kind of trench warfare.

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Such is the nature of politics.

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And in politics, the only thing we share  anymore is a desire to take and hold onto power.

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The party that has the ring rules  the land, at least for a while.

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The other side snatches power back sooner or  later, and the whole thing starts all over again.

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Yet each side’s adherents labor  under the idea that if they can just  

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get and keep the ring, they  will use it to good ends.

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We’ll give it to the right people, they imagine.

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The right people are incorruptible.

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We’re still waiting for the right people.

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So we go back to that titanic tug of war.

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Time and energy we could  use on creative activities  

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we spend locked in counterproductive struggles.

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We polarize.

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We argue.

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Our tribal-coalitional natures—as well as  our unwavering belief in our own laundry  

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lists of values and virtues—divide us in  ways that go deeper than party affiliation.

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One side wants to take away  the guns and the sugary sodas,  

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the other wants to pray away the gay.

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The rest of us simply hang out at the margins.

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People can scarcely talk to each  other without spitting venom.

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If there are any beneficiaries  to this tit-for-tat, they’re  

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rarely the ones who send their  prayers up in the voting booth.

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A parasite class of special interests reaps most  

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of the rewards, because the  real action is on K Street.

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For the rest of us, politics is at  best a spectacle, a kind of team sport.

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Was all this struggle necessary?

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Yes.

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And again, there has been  virtue in such a zero-sum game.

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Politics is a way to fight somewhat  humanely over the control of hierarchy.

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The American Republic was in  certain respects designed to create  

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checks between factions and parties  by setting them against each other.

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Ballots beat bullets and all that.

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It was thought of as a necessary evil—an  alternative to the subjugation of people,  

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which came from monarchy, feudalism,  and aristocratic privilege.

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In the Federalist Papers, James  Madison expressed concern about  

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the “mischiefs of faction” found  in democracies of various sizes.

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The Constitution is designed to  temper the consequences of faction,  

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even as the man known as its father acknowledged  that the “causes of faction cannot be removed."

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22 The democratic republic was thus a kind  of rationally conceived operating system,  

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forged in compromise after a revolution  provided an opportunity to start fresh.

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From another perspective, the development of the  American-style republic was a phase transition.

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In other words, the democratic republic was likely  

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to have arisen at some point due to  the world’s becoming more complex.

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Some revere the founding as  the explication of timeless  

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principles the founders discovered using reason.

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And yet we know the founders were  crafting rules at a certain stage  

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of technological development and  in a certain historical context.

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They were moving headlong into a future  informed by reasonable assumptions about  

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human nature and the new circumstances  in which people found themselves.

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To understand this stage and prior stages,  

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it will benefit us first to take our time machine  a little further into the past, then zip back.

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The Rise of Hierarchy

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For millennia, our ancestors  roamed the African steppe.

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Early humans were hunter-gatherers,  anthropologists say.

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And as those ancestors succeeded at  hunting and gathering, their numbers grew.

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But the world was no Garden of  Eden for long, if it ever was.

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Life became nasty, brutish, and short.

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As their numbers grew, these tribal bands  eventually confronted life-threatening scarcities.

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And Thomas Malthus’s warning, an  error when he introduced it in 1789,  

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was more or less correct back in the Paleolithic  

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period - Success in procreating meant the  land would reach its carrying capacity.

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To avoid Malthus’s trap,  early folk had to move about.

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Their migrations contributed  to the world’s great peopling.

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As early humans moved around, they collided.

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There was fierce competition  for available resources.

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Peoples faced off in bloody conflict.

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Intertribal warfare meant the hunter-gatherer  tribes had to become warrior clans.

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They not only had to learn to fight and kill,  

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but they also had to learn to organize  themselves to fight together better.

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None of this is meant to suggest that early  peoples did not trade peacefully across tribes.

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Many did.

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But those who did not become traders were raiders.

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Such a harsh state of affairs meant that,  

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to survive, your tribe had to  develop better social technology.

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That doesn’t mean Windows for Cavemen.

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Social technology is shorthand for  how people organize themselves.

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Victors transmitted their stories of glory and  successful warfare strategies into the future.

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Likewise, while strength, courage, and  superior weaponry go a very long way,  

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social technology could  make or break clan society.

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Agriculture and statecraft helped to  settle some of these fighter-nomads.

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With settling came civilization.

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Still, much of history since the world’s great  peopling has nevertheless been a story of warfare.

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After all, civilization often  comes with wealth and power.

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In the simultaneous development  of warfare and civilization,  

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one social technology came  to dominate - hierarchy.

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Atop this form of organization  there usually stood one person.

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This leader went by many names—chief,  king, warlord —but to succeed,  

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the chief would have to be capable of gaining  the fear, respect, and loyalty of his people.

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In accepting this leader, the clan  would have gained an advantage.

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Having enabled a skilled strategist  to command them as a force,  

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they could operate as a single, fierce unit.

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That would be a recipe for survival  and glory in an age of conquest.

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Of course, those capable of such fierceness and  cunning were also capable of suppressing dissent.

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Those who wished to survive in the  order were likely to accept the order,  

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that being preferable to slaughter.

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Great empires soon grew up  amid the detritus of war.

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The clan king became a god-king.

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The administration of empire  required more layers of hierarchy,  

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which meant delegating power  to satraps and governors.

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The emperor would issue commands to subordinates,  

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and those commands would be carried out by  their subordinates in the chain of command.

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Patronage relationships became the norm.

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The order of those lording power over  others took on religious dimensions.

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Values such as loyalty, honor, obedience,  and patriotism firmed up the hierarchy.

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Without such values, the structure  could have been weakened by either  

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internal dissent or better-organized enemies.

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Hierarchy became more elaborate  over time as each layer was added,  

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and hierarchy persisted, apparently, as  humanity’s dominant social technology.

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Despite a couple of eighteenth-century  revolutions in France and America,  

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hierarchy is still, in many respects, the dominant  form of social organization throughout the world.

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That is, social structures like those of medieval  

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Europe and feudal Japan are more common  than those like modern Switzerland’s.

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Even modern Japan and Switzerland still  have command-and-control structures.

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The United States—that great beacon of freedom—now  bears a striking resemblance to the Roman Empire.

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America’s founders had made  improvements by creating  

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institutional checks and balances  on power within its hierarchy.

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But its hierarchy persists.

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The question then - Is it long for this world?

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Better All the Time Now to the present.

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There is no doubt too much war in the world today.

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The good news, however, is that the human race is  

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entering an unprecedented age of  peace, connection, and prosperity.

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I realize you probably didn’t  get that news on social media.

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The “Great Fact,” however, is that since  about 1800, we’ve been growing more and  

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more prosperous.23 It’s all thanks to  an ongoing process of decentralization  

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in which humanity reaps the rewards  of innovation, production, and trade.

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More and more of the world runs  on adaptive, lateral relationships  

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instead of command-and-control structures  and on open systems instead of closed ones.

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Nested networks of flourishing communities abound,  

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and they are challenging  the hierarchies around them.

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Such hierarchies include corporations,  

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those old structures that pay you to be part  of a hierarchy; they are starting to change.

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What should puzzle us is whether  these nested networks exist despite  

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or because of prevailing national hierarchies.

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Paradoxically, the answer could be “both,”  depending on where and when in the world we look.

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To read the news, though, you wouldn’t think  anybody could claim things are getting better.

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The media sell more turmoil than they offer  positive trends over longer timescales.

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Their reports leave many of us with both  a false impression and a general ignorance  

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about just how good we’ve got it compared  to people throughout most of history.

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Writer and cognitive scientist  Steven Pinker is one of the  

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most famous voices pointing out that  the trendlines are mostly positive.

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In an interview with New Scientist, Pinker  admits being struck by a graph that showed a  

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precipitous decline in homicide rates in British  towns, starting in the fourteenth century.

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“The rates had plummeted by between  30 and 100-fold,” said Pinker.

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“That stuck with me, because you  tend to have an image of medieval  

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times with happy peasants coexisting  in close-knit communities, whereas  

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we think of the present as filled with school  shootings and mugging and terrorist attacks."

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24 In the era of sensational headlines  traveling virally through social media  

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horrible things can seem more  frequent, bigger than life.

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So Pinker decided to do some more digging,  and he learned that even twentieth-century  

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Germany had a low rate of war deaths  by comparison to the hunter-gatherers.

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25 Better All the Time 19 From the  perspective of history’s grand sweep,  

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we’re living in an age of  peace, freedom and abundance.

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Even the poorest places on earth are far better  off than they were just a few decades ago.

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Indeed, in the last thirty years alone,  

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the number of people living in  abject poverty has been cut in half.

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Day by day, violent aggression over  resources is rapidly being replaced  

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by the structures of commercial  competition and human cooperation.

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Commercial competition creates a positive-sum  world—that is, a world of everincreasing wealth.

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Today, the struggles are often among companies  competing to offer, say, better gadgets.

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Small businesses are battling it  out at the intersection of Third  

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and Main to serve a better taco, brew a  craftier beer, or open a hotter nightclub.

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The benefits flow to the customers  and those who serve them best.

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All exist in an ecosystem of value.

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In this more benevolent form  of competition a fundamental  

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truth remains - The fittest  social technology will survive.

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Over time—as conquest culture has given  way to commercial culture—we have come to  

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see fewer warlords, kings, and emperors,  and more bosses, executives, and CEOs.

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To some, this may not sound  like such a big improvement.

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The competition is still fierce.

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Companies are still frequently cast as  villainous exploiters, sometimes for good reason.

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But shifting from conquest to  commerce has resulted in more  

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people enjoying more good things  than at any time in human history.

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And it’s only getting better.

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But in this transition, we have to ask - Will CEOs  

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and middle managers also go  the way of kings and lords?

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The modern nation-state and the  modern corporation share social  

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technologies that go back thousands of years.

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But in between hierarchical governments and  hierarchical firms, there is a great teeming.

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It is not chaos.

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People truck, barter, exchange,  collaborate, and cooperate.

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In some cases—such as Morning Star  

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Packing Company and Zappos—a phase  transition has already been made.

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Outside the firm, community groups meet  over potluck dinners planned online.

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Friends find each other in  dive bars and country clubs.

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Husbands and wives go home to one another; the  bills get paid, and the kids get to school.

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Lovers find each other online  in a kind of dating anarchy.

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And all of it happens without  a director or a designer,  

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a beautiful, unconducted symphony  like starlings in a murmuration.

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More and more of the world operates in a place  

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between rigid order and errant  chaos—unmanaged yet orderly.

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More and more of the world is self-organizing.

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Phase Transition

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Complexity science predicts the global  

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trend to which I alluded above.

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At the risk of oversimplifying, the theory  states “complexity transitions” will happen  

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according to the amount and type of  information flowing through a system.

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(A “system,” in this sense,  is a collection of devices or  

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people that information gets transmitted among.)

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How elements of a system deal with information  and resources—or, in the case of firms,  

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knowledge and decisions—will  determine the nature of that system.

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Because systems always exist in some environment,  

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often competing with other systems,  evolutionary pressures are going to  

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determine whether an organization such as your  club, company, county, or country survives.

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And one of the traits selected for  will be how well it coordinates  

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its participants’ behavior—which largely  means - how well it organizes information.

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Complexity science shows that to deal with  more information, systems have to change.

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The process starts with a group  growing big enough to form a hierarchy.

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This usually happens when the group has outgrown  

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the organizational limits of  the egalitarian clan structure.

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As more power gets delegated, extending the chains  of hierarchy, the system becomes more complicated.

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But the hierarchy can only  handle so much complication.

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Eventually the system breaks down  or changes into something that  

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looks more like a network with  an increasing number of “nodes."

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Lateral relationships form,  which we know as “peer to peer."

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Decision-making power spreads down and out.

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And this hastens the complexity transition.

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Yaneer Bar-Yam (literally) wrote  the textbook on complex systems.

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He describes the process that unfolded  historically - “Ancient empires replaced  

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various smaller kingdoms that had developed  during a process of consolidation of yet  

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smaller associations of human beings.

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The degree of control in these systems varied,  

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but the progression toward larger more  centrally controlled entities is apparent....

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This led to a decrease of complexity  of behaviors of many individuals,  

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but a more complex behavior on the larger scale."

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26 Phase Transition 21 But this  could only be sustained for so long.

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As time went on, any given  individual’s behavior diversified,  

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and so did all the tasks performed  by everyone in the system.

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Such is the overall behavior of a  system becoming more complicated.

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More complicated systems required “adding layers  

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of management that served to exercise  local control,” explains Bar-Yam.

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“As viewed by the higher levels of management,  

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each layer simplified the behavior to the  point where an individual could control it.

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The hierarchy acts as a mechanism  for communication of information  

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to and from management.”27 But how far can  introducing layers of management be sustained?

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When you reach the “point at which the collective  complexity is the maximum individual complexity,  

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the process breaks down,” 28 Bar-Yam adds.

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Hierarchical structures cannot handle  any more complexity beyond this point.

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Complexity science tells us the battle  lines will be drawn mainly in terms of  

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how each organization processes information  and applies knowledge to make decisions.

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And if there is a way for an organization  to deal with complexity beyond hierarchy,  

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that form of organization is poised  to challenge the reigning paradigm.

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So, if we put our ears to the ground,  we can hear the rumbling of two great  

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organizational types - one that looks more like a  hierarchy and one that looks more like a network.

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Hierarchy still dominates.

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It is powerful—especially as it appeals  to the human desire to be in control.

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And, of course, human beings  have evolved dispositions to  

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be led—whether by dictators,  daddies, demagogues, or divas.

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Consciously or unconsciously, people  in hierarchical organizations will  

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also fight for the status quo  as long as they benefit from it.

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It’s human nature.

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Yet, decentralized systems can be more flexible,  

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and as thinker and writer Nassim  Taleb observes, “antifragile."

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So the question remains - Which form will win?

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Before trying to answer that question,  

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I want to leave you with more than just  the image of clashing social technologies.

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Because what we’re really interested in  here is flourishing or, more specifically,  

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how people can organize themselves  to improve their well-being.

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The extent to which we can organize ourselves  to be happier, healthier people is the extent  

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to which we can organize ourselves  to create more peace and prosperity.

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Hard to believe?

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Despite some of the wrenching changes  that will be brought about by this  

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coming clash of systems, a more  abundant and humane world awaits.

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Founding Redux

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In thinking about phase transition, though,  the American founding still looms large.

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The American Republic and many democratic  republics since were brilliantly crafted  

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systems designed to maximize freedom  and limit the excesses of hierarchy.

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Or, put another way, documents like the US  Constitution put forth answers to the question,  

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What sort of political order can be created  to unleash as much human autonomy as possible?

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But our operating system, as operating systems  will, has become buggy, strained, and outdated.

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Not only are people becoming weary of a system  designed to pit people against each other with a  

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crude majoritarian calculus, but new systems are  being developed to accommodate phase transition.

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Indeed, some of these systems don’t  require the permission of authorities.

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They arise from technologically connected people  

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along the lines of what James C. Scott  describes in Two Cheers for Anarchism.

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More regimes have been brought, piecemeal,  to their knees by what was once called  

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“Irish Democracy,” the silent, dogged resistance,  withdrawal, and truculence of millions of ordinary  

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people, than by revolutionary vanguards or rioting  mobs.29 Some will try to argue that an uncorrupted  

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social operating system, i.e. the one originally  conceived by the founders, would be a lot better  

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than the version we have now—adulterated as  it has been by dubious legal interpretation.

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I’m sympathetic to that view.

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But it would be difficult, if not impossible,  

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to debug the program and bring  back the founders’ Constitution.

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And happily, we have better options.

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For the first time in history,  technology and culture are providing  

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more and more opportunities to create  new systems and migrate among them.

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Indeed, it used to be that to change systems,  

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one had to migrate quite literally, to pick  oneself up and move to another jurisdiction.

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And that, too, is an increasingly viable option.

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But migrating between systems is also something  that, these days, you can do from your sofa.

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And this ease has profound implications.

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The Authoritarian Urge 23 The Authoritarian  Urge Before closing this chapter,  

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we should give a final doff of the  hat to the democratic republic.

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However imperfect a system it has been,  the democratic republic has arguably done  

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better than any other form of government in  controlling the worst of humanity’s ambitions.

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This cannot be overstated.

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So whatever evolves to replace  the democratic republic should  

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provide us with more mechanisms to  check and channel those ambitions.

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It’s not a stretch to state that there  is an authoritarian urge in all of us.

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For some of us it burns softly, as an ember.

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For others it can quickly be  kindled into a fundamentalist fire.

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But not all ambition results in great evil.

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The democratic republic, more  than any other form of government,  

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has left room for the most ambitious to  channel their desires to productive ends.

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So just as whatever system lies over  the horizon should tamp down the will  

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to power, it should ignite the spirits of  entrepreneurship, innovation, and charity.

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The End Is Nigh

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“Democracy is the art and science of running the  circus from the monkey cage,” said H. L. Mencken.

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So what are we monkeys to do?

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We can get sucked into the ongoing reality  show—the horse races, the scandals,  

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and the controversies—with a bucketful  of popcorn and a vague look of disgust.

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Or we can acknowledge the cage.

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If we succumb to tribal tendencies,  the bumper-sticker rationales,  

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and the “I Voted” rectitude, we  will perpetuate the whole charade.

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Each hanging chad will be a vote  of complicity in this monstrous  

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thing that has grown upon the backs of the people.

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At the very least, we can call this  thing what it is - An illusion.

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Or we can be revolutionaries again.

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We can rattle the cage.

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A million little acts of civil disobedience  here and there can add up fast.

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I have done my best thus far,  

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dear reader, to disabuse you of  any unreflective faith in politics.

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At the least, I hope I’ve  left you with some skepticism.

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My goal is not to criticize for criticism’s sake.

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Instead I want to help people see good reasons not  

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to cling too tightly to a system that  might have outlived its usefulness.

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When the time comes, you’ll  have good reasons to let go.

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Because politics as we know it is nigh at an end.

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In other words, even if you don’t believe  a word of this chapter, change is coming.

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This has been The Social Singularity. How  decentralization will allow us to transcend

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politics, create global prosperity, and avoid  the robot apocalypse, written by Max Borders,

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narrated by Russell Newton. Copyright 2018 by  Max Borders. Production copyright by Spokane Tome

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Media. You need to hear this.

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About the Podcast

Voice over Work - An Audiobook Sampler
Audiobook synopsises for the masses
You know that guy that reads all the time, and always has a book recommendation for you?

Well, I read and/or produce hundreds of audiobooks a year, and when I read one that has good material, I feature it here. This is my Recommended Listening list. These choices are not influenced by authors or sponsors, just books worthy of your consideration.

About your host

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Russell Newton